Reconstructing Home Art Event Columbia Museum of Art October 24

Korean influence on Japanese culture refers to the touch of continental Asian influences transmitted through or originating in the Korean Peninsula on Japanese institutions, culture, language and society. Since the Korean Peninsula was the cultural bridge between Nihon and China throughout much of East Asian history, these influences have been detected in a variety of aspects of Japanese civilisation, including applied science, philosophy, art, and artistic techniques.^[1]

Notable examples of Korean influence on Japanese civilisation include the prehistoric migration of Korean peninsular peoples to Japan virtually the stop of Nihon's Jōmon period and the introduction of Buddhism to Japan via the Kingdom of Baekje in 538 Advertizing. From the mid-5th to the late-seventh centuries, Japan benefited from the clearing of people from Baekje and Gaya who brought with them their knowledge of atomic number 26 metallurgy, stoneware pottery, law, and Chinese writing. The modulation of continental styles of art in Korea has also been discerned in Japanese painting and compages, ranging from the design of Buddhist temples to smaller objects such as statues, textiles and ceramics. Late in the sixteenth century, the Japanese invasions of Korea produced considerable cantankerous-cultural contact. Korean craftsmen who came to Nihon at this time were responsible for a revolution in Japanese pottery making.

Many Korean influences on Japan originated in China, but were adapted and modified in Korea before reaching Nihon. The function of aboriginal Korean states in the transmission of continental civilisation has long been neglected, and is increasingly the object of academic study. Nonetheless, Korean and Japanese nationalisms take complicated the estimation of these influences.

Prehistoric Korean peninsular influences on the Japanese archipelago

Between 800 and 600 BC, new technology and cultural objects began appearing in Nippon, starting in Kyushu.^[2] Gradually the Jōmon civilization was supplanted across Japan by the Yayoi culture that practiced wet-rice farming.^[3] According to the historians Gina Barnes and Satoru Nakazono, this represented a cultural flow from southern Korea to Kyushu.^{[2] [three]} By contrast, Charles T. Keally argues that moisture-rice farming, which was originally good in China, could also have come to Kyushu directly from China.^[iv]

The effect was rapid growth in the Japanese population during the Yayoi period and subsequent Kofun period.^[five] Japanese people likewise began to employ metal tools, arrowheads, new forms of pottery, moats, burying mounds, and styles of housing which were of peninsular origin.^{[2] [6]} A significant crusade of these dramatic changes in Japanese society was probable an influx of immigrants from southern Korea.^[vii] Historian Hiroshi Tsude estimated that as many as 1.viii million Koreans immigrated to Japan during the Yayoi period.^[8] According to Satoru Nakazono, this period was "characterized past the systematic introduction of Korean peninsula civilization".^[3]

According to Japanese historian Tadashi Nishitani, the Yoshinogari site, an archeological site in Kyushu dating from the late Yayoi catamenia, appears nigh identical to villages in the Korean peninsula of the aforementioned period.^[9] Past dissimilarity, the burial mounds at Yoshinogari show signs of influence from the Chinese Lelang Commandery.^[x] During this period Nippon imported great numbers of peninsular mirrors and daggers, which were the symbols of power in Korea. Combined with the curved gem known as the magatama, Korea's "three treasures" shortly became equally prized by Japan's elites equally Korea's, and in Japan they later became the Regal Regalia.^[9]

Korean influences on ancient and classical Japan

With the beginning of the Kofun period effectually 250 CE, the edifice of gigantic tomb chosen kofun indicates the emergence of powerful warrior elites, fueled by more intensive agriculture and the introduction of iron technologies. Contact with the continental mainland increased, as Nippon undertook intensive contacts with the southern Korean littoral ruling groups, in pursuit of securing supplies of iron and other textile goods, while sending emissaries to China (in 238, 243 and 247). A pattern adult of intense military and political dealings with peninsular Korean powers that continued for four centuries.^[xi] For Hyung Il Pai, at that place was no clear Korean and Japanese national distinction for the period around the 4th century CE.^[12]

Cultural contact with Korea, which at the time was divided into several independent states, played a decisive role in the development of Japanese government and society both during the Kofun menses and the subsequent Classical period.^[13] Most innovations flowed from Korea into Japan, and not vice versa, primarily due to Korea'southward closer proximity to Prc.^[14] Though many of the ideas and technologies which filtered into Japan from Korea were originally Chinese, historian William Wayne Farris notes that Korean peninsular peoples put "their distinctive stamp on" them earlier passing them on to Nippon. Some such innovations were imported to Japan through trade, but in more cases they were brought to Nihon by peninsular immigrants. The Yamato country that eventually unified Nihon accomplished this partly due to its success at gaining a monopoly on the importation of Korean peninsular culture and technology into Nippon.^[13] According to Farris, Japanese cultural borrowing from Korea "hit peaks in the mid-5th, mid-sixth, and late seventh centuries"^[xv] and "helped to define a material culture that lasted as long as a one thousand years".^[16]

Clearing from the ancient Korea to Japan

During this period a significant factor behind the transfer of peninsular Korean civilization to Nippon was immigration from Korea. Most peninsular immigrants, generically known as kikajin in Japanese, came during a period of intense regional warfare which racked the Korean peninsula between the late fourth and late 7th centuries.^[17] Japanese traditions held that the Yamato kingdom has sent military expeditions to help Baekje equally early every bit 369 CE, military assistance that is said to have enabled the latter to secure control of Naktong against its enemies, Silla and Goguryeo.^[xviii]

Many of these immigrants, who were welcomed past the Japanese authorities, were from Baekje and Gaya. These refugees brought their civilisation to Japan with them, and in one case there they often became leading officials, artists, and craftsmen.^[19] Korean peninsular immigrants and their descendants played a significant role in Nihon'due south cultural missions to Sui Mainland china,^[20] and some peninsular families are even said to have married into the Purple Family unit.^{[21] [22]} Past 700, information technology has been conjectured, possibly one third of all Japanese aristocrats may take been of relatively contempo peninsular origin,^[13] including the Aya association.^[22] Although peninsular immigrants settled throughout Japan, they were peculiarly full-bodied in Nara, the region where the Japanese capital letter was located. According to ane approximate, from 80 to xc percent of people in Nara had Baekje ancestry past the year 773, and contempo anatomical analyses signal that modern-twenty-four hour period Japanese people living in this area continue to be more than closely related to ethnic Koreans than any other in Nihon.^[23]

The Soga association, a association with close ties to the Baekje elite, may also have been of Baekje ancestry.^[24] Scholars who have argued in favor of the theory that the Soga had peninsular ancestry include Teiji Kadowaki and William Wayne Farris.^{[24] [25]}

Arms and armament

During most of the Kofun menstruation Japan relied on Korea as its sole source of iron swords, spears, armor, and helmets. Cuirasses and later Nihon's first lamellar armor, likewise equally subsequent innovations in producing them, arrived in Japan from Korea, peculiarly from Silla and Gaya.^[26] Japan's first crossbow was delivered by Goguryeo in 618.^[27]

At a time in history when horses were a key military weapon, Baekje immigrants also established Japan'south beginning horse-raising farms in what would become Japan's Kawachi Province. Ane historian, Koichi Mori, theorizes that Emperor Keitai'southward close friendships with Baekje horsemen played an important role in helping him to assume the throne.^[28] Nippon's showtime trappings, such as $.25, stirrups, saddles, and bridles were likewise imported from the peninsula by the early 5th century.^[29]

In 660, following the autumn of its ally, Baekje, the Japanese Emperor Tenji utilized Baekje's skilled technicians to construct at to the lowest degree vii fortresses to protect Nihon's coastline from invasion.^[30] Japan's mountain fortifications in particular were based on peninsular models.^{[27] [31]}

Pottery

In the early fifth century high-fired stoneware pottery began to be imported from Kaya and Silla to Japan, and soon later stoneware technologies such as the tunnel kiln and potter's wheel besides made their style from Korea to Nihon. This allowed the Japanese to produce their own stoneware, which came to be called sue ware, and was somewhen produced on a big scale throughout Japan. This new pottery came to Japan alongside immigrants from Korea, mayhap southern Korea which was under attack from Goguryeo.^[32]

Ovens

The stove known every bit the kamado was of continental origin, having been invented in China but was modified in by the peninsular peoples before it was introduced to Japan. According to the historian William Wayne Farris, the introduction of the kamado "had a profound effect on daily life in aboriginal Nihon" and "represented a major advance for residents of Japan's pit dwellings". The hearth ovens (ro:炉/umigamero:埋甕炉) previously used to cook meals and heat homes were less rubber, more hard to use, and less rut efficient, and past the seventh century the kamado was in widespread use in Nippon. According to Farris, Japanese people referred to the kamado every bit kara kamado, which can exist translated into English as "Korean ovens".^[32] However, in some parts of northeastern Japan, open-hearth ovens continued to be preferred.^[33]

Sewing

According to the Nihon Shoki, all the seamstresses of the hamlet of Kume (來目) in Yamato province hailed from a sewing adult female, Maketsu (眞毛津) who was given as tribute past the king of Baekje to the Yamato court.^[34]

Iron tools and iron metallurgy

According to Farris, during the Kofun period, Korea was the source for near of Japan's iron tools, including chisels, saws, sickles, axes, spades, hoes, and plows.^[35] Historically, the source of iron ingots in Korea was cut off when Yamato forces suffered defeats with their peninsular allies in 405, and again, later in 475, and, immigrant smelters developed furnaces to reuse the available iron. After, after 450 CE, the Kinai elite found substitutes in local sands available past Placer mining to make up the shortfall.^[36] Korean fe farming tools in detail contributed to a rise in Nippon's population past peradventure 250 to 300 percent.^[37]

Yet, it was the refugees who came after 400 from Gaya, a Korean land famous for its fe production, who established some of Japan'due south first native iron foundries. The work of these Gayan refugees eventually permitted Nihon to escape from its dependency on importing iron tools, armor, and weapons from Korea.^[38] The techniques of iron production which they brought to Japan are uniquely Korean and singled-out from those used in China.^[26]

Dams and irrigation

The Japanese adjusted continental U-shaped hoes and techniques for creating irrigation ponds. All-encompassing works uncovered in the Furuichi site most Osaka display developments far in advance of Yayoi menstruation, and the suggestion is that both the technology and pond structure techniques were introduced by peninsular peoples from southern Korea.^[39]

Government and assistants

The centralization of the Japanese state in the sixth and seventh centuries also owes a debt to Korea. In 535 the Japanese government established military garrisons called "miyake" throughout Nihon to control regional powers and in many cases staffed them with Korean immigrants.^[40] Shortly after a arrangement of "be", government-regulated groups of artisans, was created, besides every bit a new level of local assistants and a tribute taxation. All of these were likely influenced by similar systems used in Baekje and other parts of Korea.^[41] Likewise Prince Shōtoku'due south Twelve Level Cap and Rank Organisation of 603, a grade a meritocracy implemented for Japanese government positions, was influenced by that of Baekje.^{[42] [43]}

Immigrants from Korea also played a role in drafting many of import Japanese legal reforms of the era,^[41] including the Taika Reform.^[44] One-half of the individuals actively involved in drafting Japan'south Taihō Code of 703 were Korean.^[41]

Writing

Scribes from the Korean state of Baekje who wrote Chinese introduced writing to Nippon in the early fifth century.^{[45] [46] [47]} The man traditionally credited as being the starting time to teach writing in Japan is the Baekje scholar Wani.^[48] Though a small number of Japanese people were able to read Chinese before then, it was thanks to the work of scribes from Baekje that the utilize of writing was popularized amid the Japanese governing elite.^[45] For hundreds of years thereafter a steady stream of talented scribes would be sent from Korea to Japan,^[49] and some of these scholars from Baekje wrote and edited much of the Nippon Shoki, ane of Japan's earliest works of history.^[50]

The Korean scholar Wani is credited by ancient sources with introducing written linguistic communication to Japan

According to Bjarke Frellesvig, "There is aplenty bear witness, in the form of orthographic 'Koreanisms' in the early inscriptions in Nippon, that the writing practices employed in Japan were modelled on continental examples".^[51] The history of how the early Japanese modified the Chinese writing system to develop a native phonogram orthography is obscure, merely scribal techniques adult in the Korean peninsular played an important role in the procedure of developing Man'yōgana.^[52] The pronunciation of Chinese characters at this catamenia thus may well reverberate that current in the Baekje kingdom.^[53] Frellesvig states, "However, writing extensive text passages entirely or mostly phonographically, reflected in the widespread utilize of man'yōgana, is a practise non attested in Korean sources which therefore seems to be an independent development which took place in Japan."^[51] Japanese katakana share many symbols with Korean Gugyeol, for example, suggesting the quondam arose in part at to the lowest degree from scribal practices in Korea, though the historical connections betwixt the ii systems are obscure.^[54]

Science, medicine, and math

In the wake of Emperor Kinmei'due south dispatch of ambassadors to Baekje in 553, several Korean soothsayers, doctors, and calendrical scholars were sent to Nippon.^[55] The Baekje Buddhist priest and physician Gwalleuk came to Japan in 602, and, settling in the Genkōji temple(現光寺) where he played a notable role in establishing the Sanron school,^[56] instructed several court students in the Chinese mathematics of astronomy and calendrical science.^[57] He introduced the Chinese Yuán Jiā Lì　(元嘉暦) calendrical system (developed by Hé Chéng Tiān (何承天) in 443 C.Eastward.) and transmitted his skill in medicine and chemist's to Japanese disciples, such as Hinamitachi (日並立)^{[58] [59]}

According to Nakayama Shigeru, nearly all seventh century astronomers in Japan came from Baekje, and just past the following century did the per centum of immigrant astronomers autumn to twoscore% as local astronomers mastered the science.^[60] Native Japanese astronomers were gradually trained and by the eighth century only forty per centum of Japanese astronomers were Korean.^[61] Furthermore, the Ishinpō, a Japanese medical text written in 984, still contains many medical formulas of Korean origin.^[62] During this same catamenia, Japanese farmers divided their arable land using a system of measurement devised in Korea.^[63]

Shipbuilding

Technicians sent from the Korean kingdom of Silla introduced advanced shipbuilding techniques to Nihon for the beginning time.^{[22] [64] [65]} An immigrant group 'the Inabe', closely associated with shipbuilding, was fabricated upwardly of carpenters who had come up to Japan from Silla.^{[66] [67]} In the first half of the 9th century, the individual fleet of the Silla merchant Jang Bogo dominated the Xanthous Sea and maritime trade betwixt Mainland china and Japan;^[68] the superiority of Korean shipbuilding technology was recognized by Fujiwara no Tsunetsugu, and equally administrator to Communist china he chartered Korean vessels equally they were more seaworthy for his embassy to the mainland in 838. A Japanese court edict issued in 839 ordered that Kyūshū construct a 'Silla ship', which were better that coping with stormy weather.^{[69] [lxx]} Baekje may also have contributed shipbuilding technology to Japan.^[61]

Navigation

Ancient Koreans were commercially active throughout East Asia, and their mastery of navigation allowed them to pursue trade interests as far away every bit the E Indies.^[71] In 526, a Baekje Korean monk Gyeomik traveled to India via the southern sea route and mastered Sanskrit, specializing in Vinaya studies. He came back with a drove of Vinaya texts to Baekje, accompanied past the Indian monk Paedalta(Vedatta).^[72]

In the ninth century, Japanese had non mastered the skill and knowledge necessary for safe ocean navigation in their part of the world.^{[73] [74]} Consequently, the Japanese monk-traveler Ennin tended to rely on the Korean sailors and traders on his travels,^[75] at the fourth dimension when the men of Silla were the main of the seas achieving Korean maritime dominance in east asia.^{[76] [77]} The monk Ennin's crossing to Prc on Japanese vessels and the whole catastrophic maritime record of the mission contrast sharply with the speed and efficiency with which Sillan ships chop-chop brought him back home to Nihon.^[78] Another indication of the gap in navigation skill between the Sillans and Japanese at this time was the employment by the Japanese embassy of 60 Korean helmsmen and sailors to help go the primary political party safely home.^[78]

Maritime trade

It seems that commerce between East China, Korea and Japan was, for the most function, in the hands of men from Silla,^[78] accompanied by Silla Korean hegemony over the maritime commerce of Eastward Asia.^[79] Here in the relatively dangerous waters on the eastern fringes of the earth, the Koreans performed the same functions as did the traders of the calm Mediterranean on the western fringes.^[78]

The Shōsōin is a smashing Japanese reservoir of the Oriental art of the 7th and 8th centuries when the art and culture of Asia reached the height of its development.^[80] Among the Shōsōin treasures at Todai-ji in Nara there are more than than twenty sheets of purchase orders (ane dated as early as 752), indicating that the favorite luxury appurtenances they imported from Korean Silla included perfume, medicine, cosmetics, fabric dying materials, metallic appurtenances, musical instruments, carpets, and measuring tools.^[81] Some were fabricated in Silla; Others were of foreign origin, probably from Southeast Asia, India or South Asia.^[81]

Buddhism

After striking an agreement on cultural exchanges, Japan received Confucian scholars from Baekje in the years 513 and 516.^{[82] [83]} Afterwards King Seong sent Buddhist sutras and a statue of Buddha to Nihon, an issue described past historian Robert Buswell as "one of the two most critical influences in the entire history of Japan, rivaled only by the nineteenth-century encounter with Western culture".^[84] The year this occurred, dated by historians to either 538 or 552, marks the official introduction of Buddhism into Japan, and inside a year of this date Baekje provided Japan with ix Buddhists priests to assistance in propagating the faith.^[85]

Baekje connected to supply Japan with Buddhist monks for the rest of its being. In 587 the monk P'ungguk arrived from Baekje to serve as a tutor to Emperor Yōmei'due south younger brother and later settled downward equally the first abbot of Nihon's Shitennō-ji Temple.^[82] In 595 the monk Hyeja arrived in Japan from Goguryeo.^[86] He became a mentor to Prince Shōtoku and lived in Asuka Temple.^[86] Past the reign of the Japanese Empress Suiko (592–628), there were over thousand monks and nuns living in Nihon, a substantial percentage of whom were Korean.^[82]

A great many Buddhist writings published during Korea'south Goryeo dynasty (918–1392) were besides highly influential upon their arrival in Japan.^[87] Such Korean ideas would play an important office in the evolution of Japanese Pure Land Buddhism. The Japanese monk Shinran was amidst those known to be influenced by Korean Buddhism, particularly by the Sillan monk Gyeongheung. Robert Buswell notes that the form of Buddhism Korea was propagating throughout its history was "a vibrant cultural tradition in its own right" and that Korea did not serve just every bit a "bridge" between China and Japan.^[84]

Artistic influence

Co-ordinate to the scholar Insoo Cho, Korean artwork has had a "huge impact" on Japan throughout history, though until recently the subject was often neglected inside academia.^[88] Beatrix von Ragué has noted that in detail, "one can hardly underestimate the role which, from the 5th to the seventh centuries, Korean artists and craftsmen played in the early art ... of Japan."^[89]

Lacquerwork

According to the historian Beatrix von Ragué, "the oldest instance of the true art of lacquerwork to have survived in Japan" is Tamamushi Shrine, a miniature shrine in Horyū-ji Temple.^[89] Tamamushi Shrine was created in Korean manner, and was probably fabricated past either a Japanese artist or a Korean artist living in Japan.^[89] It is decorated with an inlay composed of the wings of tamamushi beetles that, co-ordinate to von Ragué, "is plain native to Korea." Nonetheless, Tamamushi Shrine is too painted in a manner similar to Chinese paintings of the sixth century.^[89]

Japanese lacquerware teabowls, boxes, and tables of the Azuchi–Momoyama menses (1568–1600) also prove signs of Korean artistic influence. The mother-of-pearl inlay frequently used in this lacquerwork is of clearly Korean origin.^[90]

Painting

The immigration of Korean and Chinese painters to Japan during the Asuka flow transformed Japanese art.^[91] For instance, in the yr 610 Damjing, a Buddhist monk from Goguryeo, brought paints, brushes, and paper to Japan.^[91] Damjing is credited with introducing the arts of papermaking and of preparing pigments to Nippon for the first time,^{[91] [92] [93] [94]} and he is too regarded as the artist behind the wall painting in the main hall of Japan'south Horyu-ji Temple which was afterwards burned downwards in a fire.^[95]

Withal, it was during the Muromachi menstruum (1337–1573) of Japanese history that Korean influence on Japanese painting reached its peak. Korean art and artists oft arrived on Japan's shores, influencing both the style and theme of Japanese ink painting. The two most important Japanese ink painters of the flow were Shūbun, whose art displays many of the characteristic features of Korean painting, and Sumon, who was himself an immigrant from Korea. Consequently, i Japanese historian, Sokuro Wakimoto, has fifty-fifty described the menstruum between 1394 and 1486 as the "Era of Korean Style" in Japanese ink painting.^[96]

Then during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, as a outcome of the Joseon missions to Japan, the Japanese artists who were developing nanga painting came into close contact with Korean artists. Though Japanese nanga received inspiration from many sources, the historian Burglind Jungmann concludes that Korean namjonghwa painting "may well have been the nigh of import for creating the Nanga style". It was the Korean castor and ink techniques in particular which are known to accept had a significant bear upon on such Japanese painters as Ike no Taiga, Gion Nankai, and Sakaki Hyakusen.^[97]

Music and trip the light fantastic

In ancient times the imperial courtroom of Nippon imported all its music from abroad, though information technology was Korean music that reached Nihon beginning. The first Korean music may take infiltrated Nippon as early on as the 3rd century. Korean courtroom music in aboriginal Japan was at first chosen "sankangaku" in Japanese, referring to music from all the states of the Korean peninsula, but it was later termed "komagaku" in reference specifically to the court music of the Korean kingdom of Guguryeo.^[98]

Komabue, a Korean flute used in early Japanese court music

Musicians from various Korean states often went to work in Japan.^[98] Mimaji, a Korean entertainer from Baekje, introduced Chinese dance and Chinese gigaku music to Japan in 612.^{[98] [99]} By the time of the Nara period (710–794), every musician in Japan'due south purple courtroom was either Korean or Chinese.^[98] Korean musical instruments which became popular in Japan during this period include the flute known as the komabue, the zither known as the gayageum, and the harp known as the shiragikoto.^{[65] [98]}

Though much has been written almost Korean influence on early on Japanese court music, Taeko Kusano has stated that Korean influence on Japanese folk music during the Edo menses (1603–1868) represents a very of import only neglected subject field. According to Taeko Kusano, each of the Joseon missions to Japan included most l Korean musicians and left their mark on Japanese folk music. Nearly notably, the "tojin procession", which was practiced in Nagasaki, the "tojin dance", which arose in modern-twenty-four hour period Mie Prefecture, and the "karako trip the light fantastic", which exists in modern-day Okayama Prefecture, all accept Korean roots and use Korean-based music.^[100]

Silk weaving

According to William Wayne Farris, citing a leading Japanese expert on ancient cloth, the production of high-quality silk twill took off in Nihon from the fifth century onward as a event of new technology brought from Korea.^[101] Farris argues that Japan's Hata clan, who are believed to have been specialists in the art of silk weaving and silk tapestry, immigrated to Nihon from the region of the Korean peninsula.^[101] By contrast, historian Cho-yun Hsu believes that the Hata clan were of Chinese descent.^[102]

Jewelry

Nihon at starting time imported jewelry made of drinking glass, gold, and silvery from Korea, but in the fifth century the techniques of gold and silver metallurgy as well entered Nippon from Korea, possibly from the Korean states of Baekje and Gaya.^[103] Korean immigrants established important sites of jewelry manufacturing in Katsuragi, Gunma, and other places in Japan, assuasive Japan to domestically produce its first gold and argent earrings, crowns, and chaplet.^[104]

Sculpture

Along with Buddhism, the art of Buddhist sculpture also spread to Japan from Korea. At beginning about all Japanese Buddhist sculptures were imported from Korea, and these imports demonstrate an artistic style which would dominate Japanese sculpture during the Asuka flow (538–710).^[105] In the years 577 and 588 the Korean state of Baekje dispatched to Japan expert statue sculptors.^[106]

The "Crown-Coiffed Maitreya"

1 of the nearly notable examples of Korean influence on Japanese sculpture is the Buddha statue in the Koryu-ji Temple, sometimes referred to every bit the "Crown-Coiffed Maitreya".^[107] This statue was directly copied from a Korean prototype effectually the 7th century.^{[105] [107]} Likewise, the Nifty Buddha sculpture of Todai-ji Temple,^{[61] [65] [108]} equally well as both the Baekje Kannon and the Guze Kannon sculptures of Nippon's Horyu-ji Temple, are believed to have been sculpted by Koreans.^{[65] [109] [110]} The Guze Kannon was described as "the greatest perfect monument of Corean art" by Ernest Fenollosa.^[109]

Literature

Concerning literature, Roy Andrew Miller has stated that, "Japanese scholars accept fabricated important progress in identifying the seminal contributions of Korean immigrants, and of Korean literary culture as brought to Japan by the early Korean diaspora from the Erstwhile Korean kingdoms, to the formative stages of early Japanese poetic art".^[111] Susumu Nakanishi has argued that Okura was born in the Korean kingdom of Baekje to a high court doctor and came with his émigré family unit to Yamato at the age of 3 after the collapse of that kingdom. It has been noted that the Korean genre of hyangga (郷歌), of which just 25^[54] examples survive from the Silla kingdom's Samdaemok (三代目), compiled in 888 CE, differ profoundly in both grade and theme from the Man'yōshū poems, with the single exception of some of Yamanoue no Okura's poetry which shares their Buddhist-philosophical thematics.^[112] Roy Andrew Miller, arguing that Okura's "Korean ethnicity" is an established fact though one disliked by the Japanese literary establishment, speaks of his "unique binational groundwork and multilingual heritage".^[113]

Architecture

The main hall of Asuka Temple

William Wayne Farris has noted that "Architecture was i art that changed forever with the importation of Buddhism" from Korea.^[114] In 587 the Buddhist Soga clan took command of the Japanese government,^[85] and the very next twelvemonth in 588 the kingdom of Baekje sent Japan two architects, one carpenter, four roof tilers, and one painter who were assigned the job of constructing Japan's first full-fledged Buddhist temple.^{[115] [116]} This temple was Asuka Temple, completed in 596, and it was only the first of many such temples put together on the Baekje model. According to the historian Jonathan Due west. Best "virtually all of the numerous complete temples built in Japan betwixt the final decade of the sixth and the middle of the seventh centuries" were designed off Korean models.^[86] Amid such early on Japanese temples designed and built with Korean aid are Shitennō-ji Temple and Hōryū-ji Temple.^[114]

Many of the temple bells were also of Korean blueprint and origin. Every bit late as the early eleventh century Korean bells were being delivered to many Japanese temples including Enjō-ji Temple. In the twelvemonth 1921, eighteen Korean temple bells were designated as national treasures of Japan.^[87]

In add-on to temples, starting from the sixth century advanced stonecutting technology entered Japan from Korea and as a result Japanese tomb construction also began to modify in favor of Korean models.^[117] Around this fourth dimension the horizontal tomb chambers prevalent in Baekje began to be constructed in Japan.^[118]

Cultural transfers during Hideyoshi'due south invasions of Korea

The invasions of Korea by Japanese leader Toyotomi Hideyoshi between 1592 and 1598 were an extremely vigorous menses of 2-style cantankerous-cultural transfer between Korea and Japan. Although Japan ultimately lost the war, Hideyoshi and his generals used the opportunity to boodle valuable commodities from Korea and to kidnap skilled Korean craftsmen and take them back to Nihon.^{[ citation needed ]} Tokutomi Sohō summed upward the conflict by proverb that, "While neither Nippon nor Choson gained whatever advantages from this state of war, Japan gained cultural benefits from the importation of moveable type printing, technological benefits from ceramics, and diplomatic benefits from its contact with Ming People's republic of china."^[119]

Press engineering and books

Moveable blazon press was invented in China in the eleventh century, and the technology was farther refined in Korea.^[120] According to the historian Lawrence Marceau, during the late-sixteenth century, dramatic changes in Japanese printing technology were sparked past "ii overseas sources". The showtime was the movable blazon printing-press established by the Jesuits in Kyushu in 1590. The second was the looting of Korean books and book printing technology after the invasion of Korea.^[121] Before 1590, Buddhist monasteries handled virtually all volume printing in Nippon, and, co-ordinate to historian Donald Shively, books and moveable type transported from Korea "helped bring about the end of the monastic monopoly on printing."^[122] At the start of the invasion in 1592, Korean books and book printing applied science were one of Japan's pinnacle priorities for looting, particularly metallic moveable blazon. I commander lonely, Ukita Hideie, is said to take had 200,000 printing types and books removed from Korea's Gyeongbokgung Palace.^[123] In 1593, a Korean printing press with movable type was sent every bit a nowadays for the Japanese Emperor Go-Yōzei. The emperor commanded that it be used to print an edition of the Confucian Classic of Filial Piety. Four years later on in 1597, patently due to difficulties encountered in casting metal, a Japanese version of the Korean printing press was congenital with wooden instead of metal type. In 1599, this press was used to print the first part of the Nihon Shoki.^[120] Eighty per centum of Japan'due south volume production was printed using moveable type between 1593 and 1625, but ultimately moveable type printing was supplanted past woodblock printing and was rarely used subsequently 1650.^[122]

Ceramics

Prior to the invasion, Korea's high-quality ceramic pottery was prized in Japan, particularly the Korean teabowls used in the Japanese tea ceremony.^[124] Because of this, Japanese soldiers made keen efforts to find skilled Korean potters and transfer them to Japan.^[125] For this reason, the Japanese invasion of Korea is sometimes referred to equally the "Teabowl War"^[126] or the "Pottery War".^[127]

Hundreds of Korean potters were taken past the Japanese Army back to Nihon with them, either existence forcibly kidnapped or else being persuaded to get out. Once settled in Nippon, the Korean potters were put to work making ceramics.^[127] Historian Andrew Maske has ended that, "Without a doubt the unmarried most important evolution in Japanese ceramics in the past five hundred years was the importation of Korean ceramic technology as a result of the invasions of Korea by the Japanese under Toyotomi Hideyoshi."^[126] Imari porcelain, Satsuma ware, Hagi ware, Karatsu ware, and Takatori ware were all pioneered past Koreans who came to Japan at this time.^[125]

Construction

Among the skilled craftsmen removed from Korea by Japanese forces were roof tilers, who would go on to make of import contributions to tiling Japanese houses and castles.^{[92] [127]} For example, ane Korean tiler participated in the expansion of Kumamoto Castle. Furthermore, the Japanese daimyo Katō Kiyomasa had Nagoya Castle constructed using stonework techniques that he had learned during his time in Korea.^[92]

Neo-Confucianism

Kang Hang, a Korean neo-Confucian scholar, was kidnapped in Korea by Japanese soldiers and taken to Nihon.^[128] He lived in Japan until the year 1600 during which fourth dimension he formed an acquaintance with the scholar Fujiwara Seika and instructed him in neo-Confucian philosophy.^{[92] [128]} Some historians believe that other Korean neo-Confucianists such as Yi Toe-gye also had a major impact on Japanese neo-Confucianism at this time.^{[92] [129] [130] [131]} The idea was adult in particular past Abe Yoshio (阿部吉雄).^[132]

By dissimilarity, Willem van Boot chosen this theory in question in his 1982 doctoral thesis and later works.^[133] Historian Jurgis Elisonas stated the following near the controversy:

"A similar corking transformation in Japanese intellectual history has also been traced to Korean sources, for it has been asserted that the faddy for neo-Confucianism, a school of idea that would remain prominent throughout the Edo period (1600–1868), arose in Japan as a issue of the Korean war, whether on account of the putative influence that the captive scholar-official Kang Hang exerted on Fujiwara Seika (1561–1619), the soi-disant discoverer of the true Confucian tradition for Japan, or considering Korean books from looted libraries provided the new blueprint and much new matter for a redefinition of Confucianism. This exclamation, however is questionable and indeed has been rebutted convincingly in recent Western scholarship."^[134]

Historiography

The estimation of the history of early contacts, and the nature of the relations, between Nippon and the states of the Korean peninsula has long been complicated by reciprocal nationalisms which skew interpretations.^{[135] [136]} In the modern menstruum, especially in the wake of Japan'southward annexation of Korea, a Tokugawa era theory adult which held that in artifact Nihon had ruled over Korea and its elites, and that the roots of the two people and polities were identical. This was chosen the "common ancestry theory" (naisen dōsoron:内鮮同祖論) and, based on early texts that spoke of Yamato invasions of the peninsula and the establishment of Mimana, was used to justify Japan'south colonial seizure of Korea (seikanron:征韓論) every bit was evidence from excavations at the Lelang Commandery that aboriginal Korea had been long been a colonized country.^[137] In this perspective, while recognizing the great impact of Chinese civilisation on both polities, the function of Korean peninsular peoples in the transmission of Sinic civilisation was underplayed and it was claimed that Nihon had retained its indigenous uniqueness past consistently modifying the cultural elements flowing through Korea to Yamato.^[138] Korean nationalist historiography (minjok sahak) challenged Japanese versions of their history while often adopting the aforementioned prejudices, and asserted in plough, the state had national sovereignty in prehistoric times, and a racial and cultural superiority over other east Asian countries, reflecting the legacy of colonial Nihon's own prejudices.^{[136] [139]}

Recently, a growing consensus has been reached among historians on the importance of directly cultural transfers from Korea to Japan.^[140] However, the issue of Korean influence on Japanese culture continues to exist a sensitive matter to hash out. The excavation of many of Japan'due south earliest regal tombs, which might shed important lite on the field of study, remains prohibited past the Japanese government.^[141] Past contrast, the admission past Emperor Akihito that the Purple Family unit of Nippon included Korean ancestors helped to better bilateral Korea-Japan relations.^[142] Recently, the Kyoto Cultural Museum has stated that, "In seeking the source of Japan'southward ancient culture many will wait to Communist china, but the quest will finally lead to Korea, where Prc's avant-garde civilization was accepted and assimilated. In authenticity, the people who crossed the body of water were the people of the Korea Peninsula and their culture was the Korean culture."^[143]

As scholarship on pre-modern Korean contributions to Japanese civilisation has advanced, some academics have also begun studying opposite cultural flows from Japan to Korea during the same period of history. For example, historians note that, during Japan'south Kofun flow, Japanese-manner bronze weapons and keyhole-shaped burial mounds spread to Korea.^[144]

See besides

• Japanese influence on Korean culture
• Chinese influence on Korean civilisation
• Chinese influence on Japanese civilization
• Culture of Japan
• Culture of Korea

Notes

1. ^ Cartwright, Mark (November 25, 2016). "Ancient Korean & Japanese Relations". World History Encyclopedia.
2. ^ ^{a b c} Barnes (2015), pp. 271–273.
3. ^ ^{a b c} Nakazono, p. 59.
4. ^ Keally, Charles T. (2006-06-03). "Yayoi Civilization". Japanese Archeology. Charles T. Keally. Retrieved 2010-03-19 .
5. ^ Rhee, Aikens, Choi, and Ro, pp. 420–422.
6. ^ Habu, p. 258.
7. ^ Totman, p. 59.
8. ^ (Farris 1998, p. 109)
9. ^ ^{a b} Rhee, Aikens, Choi, and Ro, pp. 430–432.
10. ^ Barnes (2007), p. 105.
11. ^ Totman, pp.62–63.
12. ^ Pai, pp. 234–235.
13. ^ ^{a b c} (Farris 1998, pp. 69–70, 110, 116, 120–122)
14. ^ Ch'on, p. 11.
15. ^ (Farris 1998, p. 120)
16. ^ (Farris 1998, p. 68)
17. ^ (Farris 1998, pp. 67, 109)
18. ^ Pai, p.234.
19. ^ Kim, p. 74.
20. ^ Nakamura, pp. 96–97.
21. ^ Tony McNicol (April 28, 2008). "Japanese Majestic Tomb Opened to Scholars for Commencement Fourth dimension". National Geographic News.
22. ^ ^{a b c} Kim, p. 75.
23. ^ Rhee, Aikens, Choi, and Ro, pp. 441–442.
24. ^ ^{a b} McCallum (2009), p. nineteen.
25. ^ Farris (2009), p. 25.
26. ^ ^{a b} (Farris 1998, pp. 72–76)
27. ^ ^{a b} (Farris 1998, pp. 105, 109)
28. ^ Mori Koichi, pp. 130–133.
29. ^ (Farris 1998, pp. 77–79)
30. ^ Comoe, p. 26.
31. ^ Batten, pp. 27–28.
32. ^ ^{a b} (Farris 1998, pp. 84–87)
33. ^ Totman, pp.64–65.
34. ^ Tokyo National Museum, p.iii.
35. ^ (Farris 1998, pp. 79–82)
36. ^ Totman, pp.67–68.
37. ^ (Farris 1998, p. 83)
38. ^ Rhee, Aikens, Choi, and Ro, pp. 437–438, 446.
39. ^ Farris, pp.81-82.
40. ^ Kamada, pp. 133–142.
41. ^ ^{a b c} (Farris 1998, pp. 101–102, 104–105)
42. ^ Williams, p. 39.
43. ^ Bowman, p. 124.
44. ^ Hane, p. 15.
45. ^ ^{a b} Henshall, pp. 17, 228.
46. ^ Miyake, p. ix.
47. ^ Seeley, pp. five–6, 23.
48. ^ Hane, p. 26.
49. ^ (Farris 1998, p. 99)
50. ^ Ch'on, p. 18.
51. ^ ^{a b} Frellesvig, p. 13
52. ^ Bentley, p. ix.
53. ^ Miyake, p. 9.
54. ^ ^{a b} Lee and Ramsey, pp. two, 84: "Simplified kugyŏl looks like the Japanese katakana. Some of the resemblances are superficial ... [B]ut many other symbols are identical in class and value ... We do not know just what the historical connections were between these ii transcription systems. The origins of kugyŏl take still non been accurately dated or documented. Simply many in Japan as well equally Korea believe that the beginnings of katakana and the orthographic principles they represent, derive at least in role from earlier practices on the Korean peninsular."
55. ^ Kamstra, p. sixty.
56. ^ Grayson, p. 37.
57. ^ Keller and Volkov, p. 64.
58. ^ Lu and Needham, p. 264.
59. ^ Rosner, p. 13.
60. ^ Sŏng-nae Pak,Scientific discipline and Engineering in Korean History: Excursions, Innovations, and Issues, Jain Publishing Company, 2005 p.44 (Looks like it is self-published in a nationalist vanity press. Perchance non RS)
61. ^ ^{a b c} Pak, pp. 42–45.
62. ^ Pak, pp. 45–46.
63. ^ (Farris 1998, p. 105)
64. ^ Dorothy Perkins. Japanese history and culture, from abacus to zori. Facts on File, 1991, p.313
65. ^ ^{a b c d} Lee (August 1970), pp. 12, 29.
66. ^ Michael Como. Shōtoku: Ethnicity, Ritual, and Violence in the Japanese Buddhist Tradition. Oxford University Press, 2008, p.173
67. ^ Michael Como. Weaving and Binding: Immigrant Gods and Female person Immortals in Ancient Japan. Academy of Hawaii Printing, 2009, p.92
68. ^ Cho, Youngjoo, pp. 51–70.
69. ^ Sansom, pp. 134–135, 137.
70. ^ Farris,"Shipbuilding and Nautical engineering in Maritime Nippon: Origins to 1600", in The Mariner's Mirror, vol. 95, No. 3 August 2009 pp. 260–283.
71. ^ Louis D. Hayes. Political Systems of Eastward Asia: China, Korea, and Japan. One thousand.Due east. Sharpe, 2012, p.85
72. ^ Robert E. Buswell. Tracing Dorsum the Radiance: Chinul's Korean Way of Zen. University of Hawaii Press, 1983, p.6
73. ^ Zhenping Wang. Ambassadors from the Islands of Immortals: People's republic of china-Japan Relations in the Han-Tang period. Academy of Hawaii Press, 2005, p.79
74. ^ Edwin O. Reischauer. Ennin's travels in Tʻang China. Ronald Press Company, 1955, p. threescore
75. ^ p. 46, Mark Peterson, Phillip Margulies (2010) referencing Edwin O. Reischauer. Ennin's Diary: The record of Pilgrimage to People's republic of china in Search the Law. New York: Ronald Press, 1955
76. ^ The McGraw-Hill Encyclopedia of World Biography: An International Reference Work, Volume 2. McGraw-Hill, 1973, p.479
77. ^ William Theodore De Bary. Sources Of East Asian Tradition: Premodern Asia, Volume 1. Columbia University Printing, 2008, p.529
78. ^ ^{a b c d} Edwin O. Reischauer. Ennin'due south travels in Tʻang Mainland china. Ronald Press Visitor, 1955, pp. 276-283
79. ^ Moshe Y. Sachs. Worldmark encyclopedia of the nations, Volume one-5. Worldmark Press, 1984, p.176
80. ^ Jirō Harada. The Shōsōin: an eighth century repository. Mayuyama, 1950, p.13
81. ^ ^{a b} Catalogue of the Exhibition of Shoso-in Treasures. Nara National Museum of Japan, 2002
82. ^ ^{a b c} Kamata, pp. 151–155.
83. ^ Kamstra, pp. 232–233.
84. ^ ^{a b} Buswell, pp. 2–4.
85. ^ ^{a b} Inoue, pp. 170–172.
86. ^ ^{a b c} Best, pp. 31–34.
87. ^ ^{a b} Lee (September 1970), pp. 20, 31.
88. ^ Cho, Insoo, p. 162.
89. ^ ^{a b c d} von Ragué, pp. 5–7.
90. ^ von Ragué, pp. 176–179.
91. ^ ^{a b c} Akiyama, pp. 19–20, 26.
92. ^ ^{a b c d e} Lee (October 1970), pp. eighteen, 33.
93. ^ Needham and Tsien, p. 331.
94. ^ Needham and Wang, p. 401.
95. ^ Pak, p. 41.
96. ^ Ahn, pp. 195–201.
97. ^ Jungmann, pp. 205–211.
98. ^ ^{a b c d e} Malm, pp. 33, 98–100, 109.
99. ^ Banham, p. 559.
100. ^ Kusano, pp. 31–36.
101. ^ ^{a b} (Farris 1998, p. 97)
102. ^ Hsu, p. 248.
103. ^ (Farris 1998, pp. 96, 118)
104. ^ Rhee, Aikens, Choi, and Ro, pp. 441, 443.
105. ^ ^{a b} McCallum (1982), pp. 22, 26, 28.
106. ^ (Farris 1998, pp. 102–103)
107. ^ ^{a b} Jung, pp. 113–114, 119.
108. ^ McBride, 90.
109. ^ ^{a b} Fenollosa, pp. 49–50.
110. ^ Portal, 52.
111. ^ Miller (1980), p. 776.
112. ^ Levy, pp.42–43.
113. ^ Miller (1997), pp. 85–86, p.104.
114. ^ ^{a b} (Farris 1998, p. 103)
115. ^ Mori Ikuo, p. 356.
116. ^ Korean Buddhist Inquiry Plant, p. 52.
117. ^ Farris, pp. 92–93.
118. ^ Pratt and Rutt, 190.
119. ^ Ha, p. 335.
120. ^ ^{a b} Keene, p. three.
121. ^ Marceau, p. 120.
122. ^ ^{a b} Shively, p. 726.
123. ^ Ha, pp. 328–329.
124. ^ Portal, pp. 140–141.
125. ^ ^{a b} Ha, pp. 330–331.
126. ^ ^{a b} Maske, p. 43.
127. ^ ^{a b c} Koo Tae-hoon (2008). "Flowering of Korean Ceramic Culture in Japan". Korea Focus.
128. ^ ^{a b} Ha, pp. 324–325.
129. ^ Chung, p. 22.
130. ^ Jansen, p. 70.
131. ^ Sato, p. 293.
132. ^ Tucker, p. 68.
133. ^ Lewis, p. 252.
134. ^ Elisonas, p. 293.
135. ^ Em, p. 10ff.
136. ^ ^{a b} Pai, pp. i–21.
137. ^ Xu, pp. 89–135 pp. 92ff.
138. ^ Ebrey and Walthall, p.117.
139. ^ Shin, p.55: "the Japanese influenced Korean nationalist thinking ... The search for documentation of the unique and immutable core-the racial origins-of the Korean people appears like to the Japanese obsession with the national essence (kokutai) in the 1930s."
140. ^ Rhee, Aikens, Choi, and Ro, pp. 404–406.
141. ^ (Farris 1998, p. 56)
142. ^ Holland Cotter (April 6, 2003). "Japanese Art and Its Korean Secret". The New York Times.
143. ^ Rhee, Aikens, Choi, and Ro, p. 405.
144. ^ "韓国に渡った日本文化", Asahi Shimbun, March xix, 2010.

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External links

• Purple Tigress. "Review: Brighter than Gold – A Japanese Ceramic Tradition Formed by Foreign Aesthetics". BC Culture. Archived from the original on January 18, 2008. Retrieved 2008-01-ten . {{cite web}}: CS1 maint: unfit URL (link)
• "Japan, 1400–1600 A.D." Metropolitan Museum of Art. Oct 2002. Archived from the original on March xviii, 2008. Retrieved 2010-02-fifteen . {{cite web}}: CS1 maint: unfit URL (link)
• "Yayoi Culture (ca. 4th century B.C.–3rd century A.D.)". Metropolitan Museum of Art. Retrieved 2010-02-fifteen .
• "Yayoi Era". Mankato, MN, U.South.A.: Due east-museum, Minnesota Land University. Archived from the original on Feb 26, 2011. Retrieved 2010-02-xv . {{cite web}}: CS1 maint: unfit URL (link)
• "Japanese History: Jomon, Yayoi, Kofun: Early Nippon (until 710)". japan-guide.com. Retrieved 2010-02-xv .
• "Japan and Korean Influences". New York Times, The. 1901-07-07. Magazine supplement. (kickoff paragraph only. PDF browse of total article here: [1])

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Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Korean_influence_on_Japanese_culture

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